Yerlikaya, İlhan, Basiret Gazetesi [The Newspaper Basiret] (Van, ), pp. , [in Turkish]. 5. ‛Osmalılık sıfatı’ [Ottoman Traits], Basiret , 12 Rebiyülahir. Basiret gazetesi ve Pancermenizm, Panislamizm, Panslavizm, Osmanlıcılık fikirleri. Front Cover. İlhan Yerlikaya. Yüzüncü Yıl Üniversitesi, Fen-Edebiyat. Yıldız şeytanı: Yıldız şeytanının icraat-ı melunesi. Front Cover. Ali (Basiret gazetesi sahibi.) publisher not identified, – Turkey – 13 pages.

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Skip to main content. Log In Sign Up. Wartime Propaganda and the Legacies of Defeat: Russian and Ottoman Newspapers in the War of I examine the major commonalities between these papers: My primary purpose is to shed light on the Turkish popular press, which weighed in on the issues of nationalism, defeat and political campaigning just as its Russian counterparts did.

Ultimately, this article argues that the emergence of a critically debating public sphere in Russia and Turkey demonstrates how both empires experienced modernity in the sense that most Europeans understood it. Bilateral affairs between the two empires, which gradually deteriorated in the course ofbecame a stalemate inwhen Russia unilaterally annulled the provisions of the Paris Treaty regarding the closure all naval bases on the Black Sea.

In the beginning, the outcome of the war seemed almost impossible to predict. The battles had often turned into an endgame between the irregular forces of the warring parties. While the Russians managed to build up an army that barely outnumbered the Ottoman forces in the Balkans, the Ottomans had the advantage of strong fortifications and a superior navy on the Black Sea.

The Turkish commander, Ahmet Muhtar Pasha, after suffering several defeats in the Caucasus, surrendered three major cities — Kars, Ardahan and Batumi — closing the war at the eastern front.

It was the western front which had thus far drawn most of the attention. Due to its geopolitical location, the tiny Bulgarian town of Plevna became front-page news in most European cities. The belated Russian victory, however, was almost immediately contained by the European Powers in Berlin. In many respects, the War of — thus became yet another Russo-Turkish conflict with two losers.

Nevertheless, there was something more to the War of —, making it particularly different than the previous battles for both belligerent parties.

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The war and baskret ramifica- tions provided a fertile environment in both Russia and the Sublime Porte for the newspaper industries to prosper with an unprecedented velocity, drawing the citizens into public debates over nationalism, identity, and policy making.

The number of Ottoman periodicals rose from in to 1, inwhile 1 The defense of Osman Pasha at the battle of Plevna has been mythologized by both Russia and Turkey until this day. Kultur ve Turizm Bakanligi, I seek to reflect on major commonali- ties between the two major Russian and Ottoman newspapers — Golos and Basiret — in shaping their respective public spheres throughout the War of — I will focus on such major themes as perceived images of the enemy, the emergence of national interests wedged between the Eastern question and strong resentments towards England, as well as a growing public criticism against the badiret of the ruling elite.

By the end ofthe Ottoman intelligentsia was acutely aware that the long nineteenth century was closing. Likewise, most pan-Slavists in Russia believed that the Congress of Berlin was a defeat, while others saw the naked Russian pan-Slavist aims as a defeat for reform.

Pan-Slavist newspapers created new symbols of national unity, and gradually replaced the old ones — those of the Tsar and the Church — after the Berlin Congress. In other words, defeat ensured that competing ideologies now had new outlets and sources of power that in turn rivaled imperial ones.

After the Crimean War, which had left abysmal marks on the Russian public psyche and national pride, the Orthodox Church and members of the pan-Slav committees became increasingly influential in the foreign policy apparatus, seeking primarily to revise the unfavorable conditions of the Paris Treaty.

Alekseev, Ocherki po gazeesi Russkoi zhurnalistiki i kritiki, 2 basiref. Izdatelstvo Leningradskogo Universiteta,2: During that year and the following winter, while negotiations were taking place to disentangle the Eastern Question, a disturbing ambiguity haunted the awaiting Russian soldiers at the Caucasian front. Every so often they came across references in the papers or heard bazaar rumors about deteriorating relations, which were taken by them to be the end of their antici- pation.


Perhaps the most striking aspect of their accounts is the growing importance of newspapers in reflecting the offi- cial news and rumors in this period, and how their sketches of the War of — helped transform the Russian printing industry into a lucrative one that advanced nationalist ideas.

Borkovskii, Opisanie boevoi zhizni v minuvshuiu voinu — godov Tiflis: Shtaba Kavkazskago voennago okruga, Shtab Kavkazskago voennago okruga,6—7.

In its first issue on 1 JanuaryKraevskii announced that the primary objective of Golos would be to publicize news in a manner of strict basireet objectivity instead of propagating personal opinions or predilections. On 2 August badiret, for instance, Golos published a letter written by gazeteis war correspondent of the Times, who revealed his observations on the latest developments at the front. Although 8 Golos, 1 Januaryno.

Federation of Finnish Scientific Societies: It was only when the number of Russian casualties drastically increased, following several failed attempts to storm Plevna, that Golos realized the importance of war-correspondence. As the Russian newspapers — including Golos — conformed to the terms of the new pan-Slavist journalistic discourse, Plevna became the major bone of contention between Russia and Europe, mostly because the European powers were reluctant to support the Bulgarian national cause.

Kraevskii and his war correspondent Gradovskii began publishing controversial reports from June to Januarysignaling a major transition in the editorial line of Golos. Thus the newspaper offers a revealing window onto the war and media dis- course, the ways in which public opinion compelled an editorial change — therefore better profits — and how these trends led to an increasingly anti-Tsarist line.

The power of public opinion in shaping political decisions in Europe soon became a much-debated topic in Golos. Princeton University Press, ; and Mark D. Steinberg, Moral Communities Berkeley: University of California Press, Hence, I kindly suggest that mothers, wives and sisters should put at least a basireh in their envelopes that they send to the front.

The envelopes carrying money are the ones that are most likely to be delivered. In his letter to the editor of Golos, dated 20 Julyhe wrote: During the heated debates of July over the widespread pro-Turkish senti- ments in Europe, Gradovskii wrote that the Turks very well knew that their handling of the Serbian crisis in and use of excessive force in curbing the resistance violated the common norms and rules of war.

Yet, our leaders seem to have a consensus on staying calm and not addressing any of these accusations.

Although the scope of pan-Slavist propaganda in the Russian popular press was initially limited to the Balkan nationalities in the war, it gained a particularly important dimension with the inclusion of Orthodox Armenians. Golos began publishing regular columns on the situation at the Eastern Front, focusing on the exasperation of the living conditions in the Bbasiret regions of Eastern Anatolia. The number of casualties [was] mounting, with 15, dead in two weeks, and this number [was] expected to rise drastically.

Indeed, when the Russians finally stormed Plevna basirey latethe number of casualties reached almost 40, soldiers. In his diary, Mikhail Aleksandrovich Gazenkampf attached a copy of the first telegram sent by Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich after the victory. Golos sought to draw the Russian peo- ple into public debates on a nationwide scale, and formulate ways to prevent a possible European fait accompli after the Russian victory.

Gazenkampf, Moi dnevnik —78 gg. Berezovskii, Perhaps the most disappoint- ing modification was the partitioning of Greater Bulgaria among Montenegro, Serbia and Romania, dissolving the Russian plans for a Slavophile Balkan ally. Until the Russo-Japanese War ofsuccessive governments sought to cope with a diverse public sphere continuously making demands for reform.

By imposing ethnicity as the diving line of nationhood, both the Treaty of San Stefano and the succeeding Berlin Treaty of helped to create a series of interethnic conflicts, the ramifications of which endure today.

The Ottoman awareness of an imminent collapse — for the first time in its history — was debated and circu- lated through the Ottoman press. Popular newspapers — led by Basiret Foresight — reflected on the abysmal results of and pioneered a revision- ist discourse, which constituted the ideological basis of the future Young Turk movement.


There are striking similarities between the editorial policies of Golos and Basiret. Just like its Russian contemporary, Basiret was initially founded as a purely entrepreneurial venture in and sought to remain devoid of any firm ideological commitment until the Russo-Turkish War of — Official Documents October Hence, at the onset of the war there had been in the Ottoman empire a relative freedom of the press since most newspapers contributed to the national cause by propagating the image of Russians as marauding Christian fanatics.

Until the fall of Plevna, Basiret confined its coverage to a sensational journalistic style focused on the behavior of the troops and on the atrocities committed by the Russians in the Muslim villages.

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Yil Universitesi,6. Oxford University Press, The Russians may not explicitly state their ultimate goal of replacing the crescent of Hagia Sophia with the cross, but they insist on seeing the Ottoman Christians having achieved the same rights and being subjected to the same laws as the Muslims. Although the journalists always remained critical of the central role that England and France played in conventional Ottoman diplomacy, they too hoped to see a second Crimean alliance against the Russians in the spring of The emphasis is mine.

Gazenkampf, who was present at the San Stefano negotiations, wrote: The famous cathedral is covered with some sort of beastly paint- ing and below in the choir areas we found thousands of sleeping people of all sexes and all ages.

They come from all levels of Muslim society, basidet from our troops.

Accordingly, Basiret allotted a substantial amount of space for spot- lights from the English press, reflecting on the possible scenarios that would emerge after the Congress of Berlin.

For the first time, the post-war Ottoman government was confronted with a newly emerging political entity in the form of a newspaper whose perception of modernity, progress, and religion differed greatly from that of Abdulhamid II. The expansion of an Ottoman newspaper-consuming mass public after the Russo-Turkish War of — was made possible through Basiret and its 45 Karpat, Politicization of Islam, Promoting the usage of newspapers provided a steady flow of ideas, and a bottom-up national demand for rejuvenation.

Through reading the daily news or attending coffee-house debates and Friday prayers, all segments of the Ottoman urban society — from shopkeepers and servants to middle class hazetesi — became basirey with national concepts such as love of the fatherland, wars vazetesi defeats, as well as public rights.

The attempted coup inwhich was directed by one of the gazetesl Ottoman intellectuals, Ali Suavi, indicates the embodiment of this new awakening.

Likewise, Golos provided basirft Russian public with a different view of the enemy, the outer world, and itself. When changing English motives, for instance, made it difficult to foretell the possible outcomes of the approaching Congress in Berlin, newspapers became the only way to feel the pulse of the adversary. Degisim Surecinde Osmanli Imparatorlugu, ed. Halil Inalcik and Mehmed Seyitdanlioglu Ankara: Phoenix,— Similar to their Russian counter- parts, the newspapers of the Porte reexamined previous models of Westernization and sought to identify what went wrong in the Tanzimat period — On the one hand, public opinion gradually turned against the blind Gazetei policies of the successive administrations.

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Just like Alexander II, on the other hand, Abdulhamid II tried to stifle the emerging nationalist discourse while simultaneously basirey to co-opt it to deter fur- ther secessions. Remember me on this computer. Enter the email address you signed up with and we’ll email you a reset link. Click here to sign up. Help Center Find new research papers in: